From
Lipot Szondi, Ich-Analyse [=
Ego
Analysis]
Translated by
Arthur C. Johnston
© 2008<=
/p>
By Arthur C. Johnston, PhD
Please Observe: The copyright of this article (in German or =
in
English) belongs to the Szondi Institute and to Dr. Arthur C. Johnston. Thi=
s means
you may not duplicate this article without their permissions.
Chapter
XIV:
Negation. Denial.
=
Concept and Forms of Negation=
Negation is the partly unconscious and partly cons=
cious
elementary striving of the ego with avoidance, denial, inhibition, =
alienation,
and repression of definite demands, ideas, and ideals.
=
=
The
extreme goal of negation is destruc=
tion
of the imagination [Desimagination], thus the destruction of the
ideals of being and having, in short: Destruction. Denial is thus fundamentally the
antipode of incorporation. The
result of introjection is, as is well known, the identification wit=
h the
object. The result of negatio=
n, on
the other hand, manifests itself in counter
identification.
=
=
Introjection
(k+) and negation (k-) form a
functional
pair of opposites. =
We
call the wholeness of both functions: The
position taking k ego or ego systole or ego constriction. Ego
systole is a between-factorial ego concept. Because the constriction is originally directed against the expansion and a=
gainst
the diastole of the internal world and not against the external world.<=
o:p>
=
=
If the
systole overvalues the relation of the person to the external world, then t=
his
is mostly pathological. [Thus=
, for
example, with the negativism of the catatonic.] W=
ith
the denying constriction, the ego is compelled to contain, on the one hand, its readiness for=
boundless
expansion and its excessive projection capability and, on the other hand,
however, also to deny the have ideals of introjection since they appear to =
it
useless and impossible. Ego s=
ystole
is consequently constantly a deflat=
ion
or a deprojection or a countering of introjection. That means: The denying ego systole is taking a constricting
position against inflation, against projection, and against introjection. How can the ego, however, take a
position against the ego diastole?
Only by the means that it tu=
rns itself
outward and examines reality.
That is the end goal of the task of the "k" ego. Real=
ity
testing can, according to Freud, take place in two directions.
=
=
The
ego tests on the one hand if the strivings, ideas, and ideals are good or
bad. The good will be accepte=
d and
introjected (k+); the bad denie=
d and cast
out (k-).
=
=
On the
other hand the ego tests reality by determining if the contents of the proj=
ections
and inflations are or are not to be found actually
in the external world.
=
=
Only
through this reality testing directed to the external can the position taki=
ng k ego limit the inflative or proje=
ctive
ego diastole. This fact can c=
larify
the apparent paradoxical experience that namely the "constricting k ego" turns the person to the
external world -- thus he or she becomes extraverted; on the other hand, the
"expanding" p ego turns him or her to the internal world -- thus =
becoming
introverted.
=
Similarly as with projection one can also with negati=
on
differentiate a primary and a secondary process.
=
Primary negation is exclusively leveled at the i=
nner
realm and is satisfied by constriction of the ego diastole tendencies. This constriction is executed precisely =
through
reality testing and thus throug=
h extraversion. The "k" ego calls virtually for help from the external world in
order to defend itself against the danger of boundless diastole in the inte=
rior
world. This restricting form is healthy and expresses itself in adaptation.
=
Secondary negation, however, goes further. It does not content itself with the
limiting of possession [or obsession] (p+)
or projection (p-), but destroy=
s all
ideals of having. It draws the ego back from the ext=
ernal
world completely. Consequentl=
y the
ego capsulates itself from the outer world completely. It consists of an ego barrier to the inner realm (k-!!)
as also to the outer (C - -). Psychiatry would speak of negativism and catatonia. The si=
ck person
locks himself also completely from the environment: He does not speak, does=
n't
react, doesn't eat, etc.
=
Introjection and negation are consequentl=
y both
reality testing k ego functions.
With the introjection this reality tester says yes; with negation, n=
o.
=
=
In our
culture negation is the most frequently used elementary function of the ego=
; on
the other hand, it is projection in the case of primitives. This fact was experimentally estab=
lished
by us1 first and then confirmed by others i=
n the
first place by F. Soto Yarritu 2 a=
nd E.
Percy.3
=
=
The position
taking k ego can deny personal,
collective, and familial contents of the p
ego, and consequently yields thus the well-known three forms with negation:=
(1)
Personal, (2) collective, and (3) familial denial.
=
1. Personal Negation
(a) Psychoanalytical Interpretatio=
n
=
Negation
is personal, when the ego denie=
s ideas,
strivings, or ideals that once belonged to the personal stock of the repres=
sed unconscious.
=
=
The
circumstance that S. Freud until 1926 had recognized repression as the only=
important
manner of defense in the teachings on neuroses makes it understandable why =
he
has given the definition of "denial" only from the standpoint of
repression. It is: "Deni=
al is
a manner of bringing up repressed knowledge, actually already a raising-up =
of
repression but certainly no acceptance of the repressed...." "A r=
epressed
representation or thinking content can penetrate thus to consciousness under
the condition that it lets itself be denied."4
=
=
From
the teachings of Freud on denial we present the following statements: =
=
=
1. Denial is an intellectual and cons=
cious
judgment function.
=
=
2. With this process the intellectual
function separates however from the affect process. Then through the denial, the resul=
t of
the repression process is only made to come back, namely that the conception
contents of repression do not succeed to become conscious. Through the denial process a path =
for
the repressed idea is made open to consciousness; the idea is however denie=
d.
=
=
The
essential in repression -- namely the affective
part -- undergoes nevertheless immediate denial. Freud says, "Something in jud=
gment
denies; fundamentally it consists in something of the greatest love that the
ego must repress. The condemn=
ation
is an intellectual substitute for the repression; its no is a sign thereby =
as
an original certificate for something that was ‘made in Germany=
.’”5
=
=
Denial
consequently according to psychoanalysis is a release of repressed contents to consciousness, whose contents =
subsequently
are denied nevertheless through the intellectual judgment function.
=
=
3. In addition, however, also introje=
ction
and, consequently, introjective identification, according to psychoanalysis=
, is
a judgment function. Freud fi=
nds
the difference in the following:
=
=
The
judgment function of the ego works in two directions, and indeed at one tim=
e in
the "pleasure ego" and another time in the "reality ego.&quo=
t; The "pleasure ego" asks:=
Should
the perception and idea be or not be accepted into the ego?
=
=
The
judgment function of this "pleasure ego" is evident: That all good
should be incorporated in the ego -- orally expressed "eaten up";=
all
bad on the other hand should be -- as foreign to the ego -- denied -- or mo=
re orally
"spit out." Introje=
ction is
thus, from the standpoint of the pleasure ego, out of the choice of the good and the assimilation of the good into the eg=
o.
=
=
On the
other hand denial is the fate of all that is strange and an outside being, =
and thus
is bad. One can say: Denial i=
s the
result of the xenophobia of the ego.
=
=
The
second question is placed by the reality ego. It says: Is the idea present in
reality? This is a question of
reality testing.
=
=
Freud states,
"Experience has taught that it is not only important if a thing (objec=
t of
satisfaction) possesses ‘good’ characteristics; that is, the
acceptance is deserved by the ego, but also if
it is present in the outer world so that one can seize it according to =
one’s
need."6 He se=
es the
first purpose of reality testing therein that the ego must satisfy itself i=
f an
object corresponding to the representation still further exists in the outer world and if consequently that ther=
e is
a real possibility for it to be found again.
=
=
4. The condition for setting up of ea=
ch
reality testing is according to Freud: The loss of objects, which made poss=
ible
real satisfactions in the past.=
This thesis of Freud is indicated =
experimentally
by us through the coupling of the reactions m-
and k -.
=
=
5. Freud goes still further and makes=
the
bold attempt to attribute the origin of intellectual judgment capabilities =
–
including those of reality testing and denial -- to the roots of the primary
drive excitations. He states:
"Affirmation -- as substitute for union -- belongs to Eros; denial -- =
the
result of ejecting -- belongs to the destructive drive [Thanatos].7
=
=
(b) Fate Analytical [Schicksals=
analytsche]
Interpretation
=
In
psychoanalysis the process of denial is considered as a process of second
degree.
=
=
Denial
is for the psychoanalysts constantly a secondary and intellectual substitute=
for
repression, which always represents the primary
process in the soul’s depths.
=
=
The
interpretation of fate psychology [Schicksalspsychology] deviates fr=
om
the Freudian principles. Two =
events
have contributed to this deviation in the definition of denial.<=
/span>
=
=
First,
the circumstance that after 1926 in psychoanalytical theories of defense, r=
epression
had generally lost also its exclusive and ubiquitous position.8<=
span
style=3D'mso-spacerun:yes'> One begins to recognize besides re=
pression
also other independent kinds of defenses.
=
=
Second,
in particular the results of experimental ego analysis since 1935 has force=
d us
to interpret denial as a primordial elementary function of the ego. From the standpoint of experimenta=
l ego analysis
we must represent the processes in the case of negation as follows:
=
=
I. Negation
is an elementary function of the ego, which actually is of such an
elementary nature that it represents an ego radical just like projection,
inflation, and introjection.
=
=
II.
Negation is not to be understood as an intellectual replacement of repressi=
on, but
repression is itself only a subordi=
nate
form of the elementary ego function of negation. Precisely in that consists the rev=
ision
of the negation concept. In t=
he ego
teachings of fate analysis negation is a principal concept, a genus prox=
imum;
repression, on the other hand, is only a first among parts [primus inter pares], thus only one of the important subordinate parts, which -- as al=
so with
the other denial defense forms -- are subordinate
under the chief category of negation.
=
III. Negation is not always a conscious intellectual
judgment function =
of the
ego as psychoanalysis assumes. The ego can deny
demands and ideas that are not conscious. We enumerate
the following variations of unconscious negation:
=
=
1. Unconscious
negation of unconscious projections: Unconscious adaptation. This process is the chief form of =
denial
and makes up the essence of each
adaptation to reality. Pl=
easure
demands and power expansions are transferred out of the personal and freque=
ntly
also out of the familial and collective unconscious,
and the position taking ego denies them, without
the person himself being made conscious either of the process of projection=
or
of negation.
=
=
2. Unconscious
negation of unconscious obsessions [possessions], of inflations, and of
doublings. They appear
clinically in the form of inhibitio=
ns. The person, however, becomes consc=
ious
neither of inflation nor of negation.
Frequently however the obsession or the doubling tendency (ambitende=
ncy)
becomes conscious; on the other hand, the process of denial in the form of
inhibition is discharged unconsciously.&nb=
sp;
This is particularly the case with conversion hysteria.
=
=
3. Unconscious
negation of latent femininity, respectively abandonment: Estrangement.<=
o:p>
=
=
This
process leads to clinical phenomena that is registered as estrangement and depers=
onalization
or, perhaps, as jealousy delusions<=
/i>. In these cases the person is missi=
ng the
slightest suspicion that he denies his abandonment or his femininity. Its clinical symptomatology expres=
ses
itself only in the uncomfortable feeling that all is strange, dead-like or =
gray,
that the objects of the world have become flat or small, that sounds come a=
s if
from a distance, etc. In addi=
tion
one observes increased self-observations (hypochondria). That the person denies something a=
nd, in
particular, what he denies remain completely unconscious to him.=
=
4. Of c=
ourse
the prohibited need as also its denial with the repression =
is constantly unconscious.
=
=
5. Negativisms, in particular with cat=
atonic
schizophrenia, are unconscious denial processes, which -- as we proved
experimentally -- lay hidden as unconscious destruction of false ideal form=
ations
(destruction of imagination and iconoclastic destructions).9 The denial of ideal formations up =
to
destruction is unconscious for the sick person.
=
=
6. The
unconscious negation of the backgrounds [the background ego]. The drive dialectic research with t=
he
complementary method has convinced us that the ego of the foreground (the
so-called foreground ego) must =
often
either deny the whole background or
negate particular functions of the background, in particular the background ego. Naturally this negation of the
backgrounds likewise is an unconsci=
ous
process.10 Thus wi=
th the
adaptation (Sch =3D - -) of the
foreground ego constantly is denied the narcissistic ego of the background,
which must be everything and have everything (Sch =3D + +).
=
=
The
foreground ego of the inhibited man (Sch
=3D - +) denies energetically his antipode in the background, namely the au=
tistic
undisciplined background ego (Sch =3D +
-). In the case where repression is established, the repressing and denying
power of the foreground-ego (Sch =3D -
0) in particular is against the background ego, which actually affirms the
femininity and consequently supports the same sexuality (Sch =3D + ±).
=
=
The
ego analyst in the case of negativist-destructive catatonia and the cataton=
oid
(Sch =3D -!! – or Sch -!! 0) has convinced us that t=
he
sick person with the destructive denial is trying to destroy mostly the
background needs, which precisely lead to exaggerated ideal formation and
hyper-identification (Sch =3D +=
!!
+). The greater the negativis=
m in
the case of a sick person, the greater is the demand to have everything (k+!) and to be everythi=
ng
(p+!).
=
=
Naturally
this process in the case of catatonia is likewise unconscious.
=
=
These
only briefly cited results of ego analysis have moved us to revise the deni=
al concept. We maintain:
=
=
Denial
is no intellectual and conscious process, where the person tries to make the
repressed return. Negation is=
a
primary, mostly unconscious elementary function of the ego, which exhibits =
the following
five manifestations:
=
1. Adaptation: &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; Sch =3D - -
2. Inhibition: &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; &=
nbsp; Sch =3D - +
3. Estrangement: &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; Sch =3D - ±
4. Repression: &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; Sch =3D - 0
5. Negativism: &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; } Sch =3D -!! -
De=
struction
of imagination: } =
Sch
=3D -!! 0
Destruction: =
&nb=
sp; } Sch =3D -!!! – or -!!! 0.
=
=
The common
factor in these five ego processes is denial:
Which manifests itself in the test in the reaction: k-.
=
=
The separating
of the differences among the five negation forms consists, on the one hand,=
in
the phase differences of the ego diastole, thus in factor p (p =3D - or + or =
±
or 0) or, on the other hand, in the quantity of denial.
=
*
=
In the
theories of defense we will treat in detail the five subordinate forms of t=
he main
defense category "negation" in all their relationships.
=
=
Adaptation,
inhibition, estrangement, repression, negativism, and destruction are all o=
nly
different forms of the same saying =
no. Saying
no is the most human and nevertheless the most fateful [verhängnisvollste] statement of humans. The
differences in this saying no g=
o in
two directions.
=
=
First
of all, whether that which the person denies represents an object of projec=
tion
or inflation or both ego diastolic processes or introjection.
=
=
Secondly,
whether the strength of the denying is an adapting, inhibiting, estranging,
repressing, or substantial destructing force. Briefly, the quantity of the denying strength determines the expression =
form
of the denial.
=
=
If the ego in adaptive form says no=
and if
the denied object is a wish that it has transferred into the world, then one
consider this adaptation.<=
/o:p>
=
=
Says
the ego no to all that which can be promising for being great and being eve=
rything,
and this demand to being like God becomes denied through constriction of on=
e’s
ego function, thus one speaks about inhibition.
=
The ego says no to the abandonment and to all demands=
of
femaleness, which move in one, and these demands are energetically ejected<=
/span> and denied continuously, then estrangement pr=
esents
itself.
=
=
Says the
ego no in pathologically repressing=
something
about which it itself knows no more but which it has known before, thus one
speaks of repression.
=
=
Says
the ego inflexibly and rigidly no to everything that it w=
ishes deeply
to have and to be, then we speak of negativism.
=
=
If the
ego destroys with violence all
ideals, which it had once itself practiced with devotion, thus one speaks o=
f destruction of imagination and of =
destruction both in the case of
criminals and unrestrained maniacs.
=
=
The
what and the how much of denial is consequently different. Saying no is constantly the same i=
n all
these forms of denying taking of a position.
=
=
And
consequently the form and the degree of saying
no of this elementary function of the ego becomes one of the most impor=
tant
factors of existence [Daseins], which determines the fate of the
individual and the history of mankind.
=
2. Collective Negation
=
One
can consider the phenomenon of collective negation under two aspects. First a denial is then of a collec=
tive
nature, when the individual avoids, denies, inhibits, estranges, or repress=
es not
personal but definite universal=
human
impulses and ideas from the collect=
ive
unconscious. The denied
contents in this case belong to the collective
and not to the personal stock of the soul.=
The designation "collective" will signify in this case
consequently the collective origin of ideas or impulses negated by the
individual. Thus, in the same=
sense
as we have emphasized the collectiv=
e
nature with projection, inflation and introjection.
=
=
One
can call collective negation,
however, also all rules and prohibitions of religion, the state, the group,=
the
clans, by which any collective grou=
p
denies certain behaviors of individuals.&n=
bsp;
If the denying court is the person himself, then the prohibition com=
es
from within, and the denied need is other than that of a collective
nature. If, on the other hand=
, the
denying court is a collective group (group, clan, state, church, etc.), the=
n the
prohibition comes from outside,=
and
the person is compelled by moral, religious or state limitations to renounc=
e a
personal or collective need.
=
=
In the
first volume of Triebpathologie =
[Drive Pathology=
] we have specified as
follows the differences between ethics and morals:
=
Ethics is the inner prohibition and the i=
nner
law against killing and against incest love.
It is based on the root factor e. This prohibition bears constantly a
"holy" (sacred) character.
=
Morals is the outer prohibition against c=
ertain
behaviors that are prohibited by society.
Morals are based on the root factor hy.
It develops the shame barriers. Fate psychology sees t=
he commonality
of these two kinds of "shrinking or narrowing" in that ethical as well as moral defense mecha=
nisms
represent affective derivations.
Both are phenomenon of the p=
aroxysmal
circle. We have grounds, howe=
ver, to
assume that the ego as also wit=
h the
so-called affective kinds of de=
fense
remains the leading court. Wi=
thout
the ego there is neither ethics nor morals.
=
=
Under
this criterion collective negation can originate at one time with the help =
of the
internal law, the ethics. In this case the ego denies a coll=
ective
need -- like killing or incest -- out of an inner
prohibition. At other times, =
however,
the collective negation appears as a moral
denial, whereby thus a personal felt demand is denied because the outside power of the group (clan),=
class,
society, country, municipality, or church prohibits and punishes the behavi=
or.
=
=
There
are however collective needs, which from the ego as well as from within, th=
us
by the ethical censor as also from the outside -- that is through shame bar=
riers
of the group morality -- since primeval times have been denied in a double =
way. Such a collective need, in our opinion, is incest love.
=
Incest Taboo as Collective Negatio=
n
=
The
word incest stems from incestare =3D to pollute and to stain.=
Some languages consider incest &qu=
ot;blood
shame" [Blutschande].=
=
Legally
by incest is understood sexual intercourse between relatives in the sense o=
f parents
and children, grandparents and grandchildren, brothers and sisters, and in =
some
countries even among those related by marriage.
=
=
The
problem of incest is divided psychologically into two subordinate questions.
First of all: Is the incest love a =
collective
need or a rare aberration of certain ill persons? Secondly: Is the incest
inhibition ‑- as taboo and as incest barrier -- purely social, stemmi=
ng from
the outside and that is taught and thus an acquired characteristic of the h=
uman
child or, however, a collective and hereditary safety mechanism against the=
incest
love?
=
=
Point 1.
Historically one must accept ‑- as the sexual physician Hermann Rohle=
der11 from Leipzig has shown -‑ that sexual
intercourse between blood relatives, and in particular between brothers and
sisters, was somewhat completely natural with prehistoric people. This cust=
om was
preserved still into historical time as with the Arabs. (Strabo explained t=
hat
an Arab king’s daughter is to have sexual intercourse with her fifteen
brothers.)
=
=
According
to Rohleder, incest was found as somewhat completely natural and occurred w=
ith
permission not only with the old Egyptians, Persians and Peruvians but stil=
l today
the custom with the Weddas in Annam
and on Ceylon.
Myths, sagas and legends of all
peoples encourage the collective nature of incest love. “The Incest M=
otif
in Poetry and Saga” was treated by 0. Rank and that likewise speaks for the collective nature of incest love.12 We find a further
collection of symbols of incest in the works of C. G. Jung. 13 The ubiquitous nature of incest wishes was
emphasized by Freud not only with neurotics but with those in the normal co=
urse
of development. He writes: The first object choice of humans is regularly
incestuous, with the male directed toward mother and sister, and it requires
the sharpest prohibitions in order to hold this continually effective infan=
tile
predisposition from being implemented.
=
=
In a
correctional institute for neglected girls in Budapest, we found that 28% of the girl=
s had incest
relations with their brother or father. Much of this speaks for the fact th=
at
one is able to obtain statistically only a small part of the cases and that=
in
the country the experience of incest love indeed occurs still more frequent=
ly than
in the large city.
=
=
Incest
love bears thus the indication of a collective
need.
=
=
Point 2. From where however does the prohibiti=
on
come against incest love? From where the incest barrier?
=
=
Historically
it is certain that incest love not always, not everywhere, and not for all members of a community was
forbidden. From history it is well-known that people slated for inbreeding =
with
the old Egyptians with strict relationship inbreeding were paired – i=
ndeed
even with incest marriage. The king=
s of
the Ptolemy line constantly married their own sisters.14
=
=
At the
time of the old Persian realms (from 550 to 330), under the kings Cyrus, Da=
rius
and Xerxes, the direct incest
marriage was at the highest peak. Brother and sister, father and daughter, =
and mother
and son wed each other. Among the highest and leading castes of the rulers =
incest
marriage was even the law.15 After Cambyses had arranged that the
rulers would have to marry their sisters and even their daughters, the
degeneration of this ruler family quickly progressed. Herodotus indicates t=
hat
Cambyses was married to his sister, Artaxerxes. (According to Plutarch he
should have been married to his daughter Sysimithres and according to Curti=
us
even with his mother.16)
=
=
To a
large extent the Persian realm through the incest marriages of the ruler
families, throne changes, and murder (incest murder), the rule within a sho=
rt
time collapses. The inbreeding of the people accelerated naturally also the
degeneration.
=
=
The
old Peruvian is according to Rohleder democratic in inbreeding and in ince=
st
among the people. Because with the old Peruvians inbreeding and incest
marriage was a national custom not solely in the governing but also in the
bourgeois families. An Inca (ruler) was allowed to marry only his own
biological sister and no other. From the blood of the sun, from which they
believed to be descended and to be held pure, the other castes of the Peruv=
ian had
also to marry the sister, the daughter, and even the mother. The warrior
married likewise his sister.17
These historical facts speak against the
interpretation that incest prohibition and incest taboo would be a natural, inherited, and collective striving of humans. Incest l=
ove
is however nevertheless subjected to taboo.
=
=
The
Polynesian word taboo S. Freud has translated in the sense of “holy inhibition.” With this expression he wanted to express the
two opposite directions of action of taboo. Taboo is called, on the one han=
d,
holy and consecrated (something as sacred); on the other hand forbidden,
dangerous, terrible and impure.18
=
=
Freud
stresses that taboo with primitives is neither a religious nor a moral
prohibition.19 He s=
ays:
“The taboo prohibitions are devoid of each explanation; they are of u=
nknown
origin; for us are incomprehensible; they appear natural to those who stand=
under
its rules.”20 According to Freud’s opinion the primi=
tive
puts a taboo in place where he fears a danger. He constructs the history of=
the
taboo according to the model of the compulsory prohibitions that were imposed from the outside on &=
#8220;a
generation of primitives at one time and
that nevertheless probably were imp=
ressed
thus upon them violently by the earlier generation. These prohibitions
concerned activities toward which existed a strong predisposition. The
prohibitions were maintained then from generation to generation, perhaps on=
ly
due to tradition maintained by parental and social authority. Perhaps howev=
er
they have in the later organizations already “organized” as a piece of inherited psychologi=
cal possession.
Whether there are such “innate ideas” and whether they caused a=
lone
or in cooperation with the education the setting up of that taboo, who woul=
d be
able exactly to decide for the question under discussion (for the incest ta=
boo)?
But from maintaining the taboo would be invoked, one has the idea that the
original pleasure that each prohibition is concerned with is also still con=
tinued
by the people having the taboo. These people have thus toward their taboo
prohibitions an ambivalent attitude=
;
they would like in the unconscious nothing better than to trespass it, but =
they
are afraid before it; they directly are afraid because they would like it, =
but
the fear is stronger than the desire. The desire in addition however with e=
ach
individual is unconscious as it is with the neurotic.“21
=
=
The
interpretation of Freud on the origin of taboo prohibitions with primitives=
leans
thus rather in the direction of the exogamy
[caused by external conditions]. The primitives were imposed upon and p=
ressured
violently from the outside. Onl=
y the
desire to do what is most strictly denied by the taboo prohibition seems to=
be,
also according to Freud, a collective need. Most ethnologists see social mechanisms in the taboo
prohibition. Thus also in the incest prohibition.
=
=
By
careful inquiries among different authorities and supported by his own
observations in Northwest Melanesia with the natives of the Trobriand islan=
ds
(British New Guinea), Bronislaw Malinowski arranged the taboo prohibitions =
to
the degree of their severity as follows:
=
=
“1.
By far the strictest is the prohibition against brother and sister incest; =
it
is the principal item of the suvaso=
va
[the breach of exogamy] taboos; violations occur extremely rarely both in
reality and in legend.
=
=
2.
Blood shame with the mother is considered as unnatural and unimaginable; ca=
ses
are not well known; it is an important form of the suvasova; it is not spoken of with the same abhorrence as of the
brother and sister incest.
=
=
3.
Sexual intercourse with one’s own daughter is not called suvasova; there are no supernatural
punishments for it; it is felt as extremely bad; several cases of it are we=
ll-known.
=
=
4.
Sexual intercourse with the daughter of the sister of the mother is a form =
of suvasova, occurs rarely, is very b=
ad,
and is constantly kept secret; with discovery it is more severely punished.=
=
=
5.
Sexual intercourse with the sister of the wife does not belong to suvasova but however is bad; marri=
age
whether now in form of polygamy or with the sister of the deceased wife mee=
ts
strong disapproval, but it occurs, while love relations are not rare.<=
/o:p>
=
=
6.
Sexual intercourse with the mother-in-law or with the wife of the brother is
improper and is however not suvasov=
a
and occurs apparently infrequently.
=
=
7.
Sexual intercourse with classified =
luguta
(my sister) is suvasova; it is
forbidden by tribal law and threatened by supernatural punishments and is
however frequently practiced and is as it were much sought after.”22
=
=
Still
another important relationship remains to be mentioned by the name of tabugu (sister of the father or da=
ughter
of the sister of the father), which already has been explained as counterpa=
rt
to luguta (sister, if a man spe=
aks). The sister of the father is the mod=
el of
the lawfully permitted and even sexually recommended woman -‑ certain=
ly
only in the theory of the natives -- because in reality the daughter takes =
this
place.
=
=
Against
the sister of his father a man in sexual things has to behave himself just =
the
opposite as with his own sister. Sexual intercourse with the father’s=
own
sister is completly fitting and proper. “It is very good, if a boy co=
pulates
with the sister of his father.”
=
=
“Sexual
intercourse between a man and his aunt on the paternal side plays a role in=
the
theory and in idioms as symbol, but scarcely in real life. She is for him t=
he
symbol of all legally permitted women and simply sexual freedom. She may ad=
vise
or give him support as a couple, but only in very rare cases does he have
sexual intercourse with her. =
She
belongs to an older generation, and what remained of their sexual attractio=
ns
are mostly not too enticing for her. But if she and her nephews wish it, th=
en
they may sleep together; only a certain decorum must be practiced if she is
married. Marriage with the aunt on the father’s side, although permit=
ted
and even desired, seems never to occur; I also only succeeded in discovering one case a=
mong
living persons or an excessive quantity from the historical records.
=
On the paternal side the young man finds =
the
correct replacement for his aunt in their daughter. Both are judged as
particularly suitable for sexual intercourse and for marriage. Often as children they
become promised in engagement to each other (see Chapter IV, 4). The natives say that their cousin on t=
he
paternal side should be first with whom a boy should act sexually, if his a=
ge
permits it.
=
=
The
designation tabugu is expanded
however soon since other girls who belong to the same sub-clan and clan as =
the
cousin; finally it becomes equivalent, via going beyond the usual limited c=
lassification
terminology to “all women, who do not belong to the clan of the
sister.” The usual classification terminology extends within the boun=
daries
of the clans. The widest meaning the word mother extends to all thos=
e from
the clan of the mother. But the word tabugu in the sense of “l=
egally
permitted woman” extends over three clans and covers approximately th=
ree
quarters of the females as opposed to a quarter of women who are forbidden.=
”23
=
=
In
these taboo mechanisms of the Trobriander there is a paradox for us, an
incomprehensible contradiction: Sexual intercourse with the daughter of the
sister of the mother is a suvasova taboo, thus an exogamy ta=
boo.
It brings a supernatural punishment with it, “an illness that covers =
the
skin with ulcers and generally calls forth in the whole body pain and uncom=
fortableness.”24
However the sister of the father and the daughter of the sister of the father are tabugu, thus the model of the legally permitted, indeed=
even
the sexually recommended woman.
&=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; &=
nbsp; &nbs=
p; &=
nbsp;
While with cultured peoples the incest
prohibition is on both paternal and
maternal sides, thus bilaterally valid, the incest taboo is unilaterally only developed in the line of the mother with primitives.<=
/o:p>
=
=
The
primitive has to behave himself just the opposite with the sister of the fa=
ther
and the daughter of the sister of the father in sexual intercourse and in
marriage as against the sister and daughter of the sister of the mother. We=
saw
that for example in Nothwest Melanesia the most suitable marriage is that when the son of a man marrie=
s the
daughter of the man’s sister, thus the cousin on the paternal side. One calls this kind of marr=
iage “cross cousins marriage.” =
This is not subjected to a tabo=
o; it
is not incest marriage; the marriage with the daughter of the mother’s
sister is however blood shame [incest].
=
This unilateral restriction of the incest
taboo depends closely on that completely different order of the structure of
relationship with the Trobrianders and other primitives. On Trobriand
island ‑- as also at many other places ‑- the original mother right still prevails. The matriarchal institutions cause the most important sexual =
and
social mechanisms ‑- included the line of succession. For the mother =
right
system the reproduction theory is decisive, according to which the father in no way contributes to th=
e origin
of the child. The body of the child is according to this idea to be
developed uniquely and solely by the mother. The child is from same
substance as the mother. “The
smallest physical connection does not exist between father and child.”=
;25
From this one-sided reproduction theory are the following basic views:
“The mother makes the child from her blood.” Or: “Brothers
and sisters are from the same flesh, because they come from the same
mother.” This interpretation determines: 1. Origin, thus the relation=
ship
system. 2. Line of succession. 3. Next position in rank, honor, etc. 4. Restriction=
s and regulations
of marriage and sexual taboos. 5. Funeral regulations, mourning, dead dirge=
s,
etc.
=
The word father =3D tama an=
d has
thus with the matriarchal primitives a completely different sense than with cultured peoples. Malinowski writes:
“In all discussions about the relationship, the father is described v=
ery
decidedly as tomakava, as a =
220;stranger” or more correctly =
as an “outsider.”26
=
=
However
if the father is a “stranger&=
#8221;
and an “outsider,” then sexual intercourse of his son with =
the
aunt or with the cousin on the pate=
rnal
side is no blood shame [incest], since they are not ‑- according =
to
their relationship system -- “=
;blood
related.” Since the son is blood related to the mother only, sexu=
al
intercourse with the mother, with his own sister, with the aunt and with the
cousin are on the maternal side and is thus blood shame.
=
=
The
cross cousins marriage –=
; in
which thus the young man marries the daughter of his aunt on the paternal s=
ide ‑-
is not incest marriage with pri=
mitives.
Malinowski harbors the opinion that this kind of marriage ceremony occurs o=
n an
economic basis. The father, who=
loves
his son, can secure all possible advantages for his son in a relationship
organization based on mother right only by means of cross cousins marriage.=
As an
example Malinowski presents the following diagram (Fig. 6).
![](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image002.jpg")
=
[Häuptling [1] =3D Chief; Schwester des Häuptlins=
[2] =3D
Sister of the Chief; Häuptlins-Tochter [3] =3D Chief’s daughter;
Häuptlins-Sohn [4] =3D Chief’s son; Tochter der Schwesler des
Häuptlins [5] =3D Daughter of the sister of the Chief; Sohn der Schwes=
ter
des Häuptlins und sein Erbe [6] =3D Son of the sister of the Chief and=
his
heir]
[rechmässige Vettern‑Basen‑Heirat =3D lawf=
ul
cousin-cousin marriage]
[die Heirot zwischen diesen beiden wird nicht gerne gesehen=
=3D
marriage between both of these is rarely seen]
[Abb. 6. Genealogie=
der
Kreuz‑Vettern‑Basen‑Heirat nach Malinowski =3D Fig. 6. Geneology of Cross C=
ousins
Marriage According to Malinowski]
=
In
addition to the chart is the following discussion: “The chief in our
diagram has a sister; she has a son, an heir and successor of the chief, an=
d a
daughter, who is by her mother a niece of the chief; this girl is set above=
the
ranking sex. The husband of this girl will take a very privileged position =
from
the day of his marriage. According to custom and law of the country he has =
fully
certain demands on the brother or the brothers and other male relatives of =
his
wife; they are obliged to pay to him an annual tribute of food and apply th=
emselves
ex officio [because of his offi=
ce] as
his allies, friends, and helpers. He acquires also the right to live in the
village and to participate in tribal affairs and magic as he wishes. It is =
apparently
appropriate thus that he actually takes the same position as the son of the=
chief
during the lifetime of his father ‑- a position, out of which he is
ousted from home as legal heir on the death of his father. This type of mar=
riage
differs also from the norm in as much as the married man moves into the vil=
lage
community of his wife. Cross cousins marriage is thus matriarchal in opposi=
tion
to the usual patriarchal custom.”27
=
“The
difficulties of the chief find an obvious natural solution by a marriage
between his son and his niece or grand niece. All parties mostly win with t=
his undertaking.
The chief and his son receive what they wish themselves; the niece of the c=
hief
marries the most influential man of the village and increases still thereby=
his
influence; and between the son of the chief and his legal inheritance is in
this way creating an association that sets aside the rivalry frequently exi=
sting
between them. The brother of the girl cannot oppose the marriage because of=
the
strict taboo (see Chapter XIII, 6); and since the marriage contract is alre=
ady concluded
during the childhood of the chief’s son, the brother is not normally =
in
the position to intervene.”28
=
=
C. G. Jung
-‑ supported by the work of John Layard29 ‑- has int=
erpreted
correctly only partly and, in general, however, completely misunderstood th=
e sense
of the “cross cousins marriages.” He writes: “Moreover the
so-called ‘incest barrier’ is a very doubtful hypothesis (altho=
ugh
it is well suited for describing neurotic conditions) in so far as it repre=
sents
a culture achievement that is not invented but originates in natural ways on
the basis of complex biological necessities connected with the development =
of
the so-called marriage class system=
s. These
do not under any circumstances aim at the prevention of incest but at m=
eeting
the social danger of the endogamy by instituting cross cousins marriage. The
typical marriage with the daughter of the maternal uncle is actually managed
with that libido that could possess the mother or the sister. It thus is not about the avoiding of incest, since primitives find ample
opportunity as shown by the frequent instances of promiscuity, but rather a=
bout
the social necessity for the expansion of the family organization throughout
the whole tribe.”30
=
In
this interpretation of C. G. Jung, the only correct statement is that behin=
d cross
cousins marriage social and economic factors can play a role. All that he
questions regarding the prevention of incest stands in contradiction with t=
he statements
of B. Malinowski. According to this author, who possesses the highest autho=
rity
on this question, a marriage of the man with the daughter of the uncle on t=
he
maternal side is not happily vi=
ewed.
(Compare this to Fig. 6 on the genealogy of the cross cousins marriage.)
=
Malinowski
expresses himself clearly in this connection: “Only a young man and a
young girl, who descend from a brot=
her
and from a sister, can enter into a marriage, 31 which
corresponds to the law and differs at the same time from only coincidental =
unions;
therefore, as we have seen, a father
gives his son to be the wife of his
own relative (the daughter of his sister). But an important point is st=
ill to
be mentioned: the son of the man (No. 4 in Fig. 6) must marry the daughter =
of the
woman. (the sister, No. 5), not the reverse of the daughter of the man (No.=
3)
and the son of the woman (the sister, No. 6). Only in the first mentioned
relationship do both call each other tabugu
‑- by this designation is expressed that sexual intercourse betwe=
en
them is permitted. The other pair connected in the diagram (No. 3 and No. 6=
) by
a dotted line stands according to Trobriander concepts in a completely
different familial relation (see the explanation about relationship designa=
tions
in Chapter XIII, 6). A girl calls the son of the sister of her father tamagu, “my father”.
“Marriage with tama (R=
20;father”
=3D son of the sister of the father) is no
blood shame, but is viewed reluctantly and occurs only rarely. Little c=
ause
exists for such a marriage.”32
=
Jung
errs thus in the following points: First of all in the fact that the marria=
ge of
a man (No. 6) with the daughter (No. 3) of the uncle (No. 1) on the mother’s side (No. 2)=
is
typical. According to Malinowski it occurs rarely. Secondly Jung errs in pa=
rticular
in the fact that this marriage ‑- if it occurs ‑- in the eyes of
the primitives would be incest marr=
iage.
Malinowski stressed expressly that the sexual union between a man and the
daughter of the uncle on the mother’s side (between No. 6 and No. 3) =
is
not blood shame; it only reluct=
antly
happens. Briefly: Jung regards the incest question with the eyes of the cul=
tured
person and not with that of the primitive.
With the primitives the incest concept is=
set
as purely maternal and unilateral and with the cultured people as bilateral
(that is paternal and maternal.) Since the father is a stranger in those
countries, where mother right rules, and not blood-related, thus only the r=
elationship
in the line on the mother’s side applies as a blood relationship
according to the law of the natives.
=
Jung forgets that in the eyes of the natives
father and child are connected only by a number of mutual obligations, not
however by blood.
The marriage rules of primitives speak th=
us
rather for the avoidance of incest in the =
sense
of an “incest barrier” of Freud
as opposed to the assumption of=
Jung.
(See the section: Familial Negation.)
=
Malinowski
stresses: “The cross cousins marriage is without a doubt a compromise
between the badly balanced principles of mother right and father love”=
;33…
however it is not ‑- as it is interpreted by Jung -‑ a compromise with the “incest drive.” In the
eyes of the primitives the “cross cousins marriages” are precisely not incest marriages. T=
he Jungian
argumentation against Freud’s incest barrier theory is in our opinion
unfounded. The endogamy incest love is thus a genuine drive of a collective
nature, which however has been denied by the collective from generation to
generation from the outside by force. Thus the incest barrier and the incest
taboo developed on the basis of a c=
ollective
negation.
=
Because
the collective incest drive was inhibited in its realization “in the =
flesh,”
it ‑- as Layard says – was carried out in the spirit. The exoga=
my
contains thus according to this author a spiritual purpose in the structure=
of
the culture.34 The barriers against the incest endogamy were not=
set
up however ‑- according to our view ‑- totally consciously=
in favor
of the culture, but partly unconscious and partly conscious for survival ‑- today we would l=
ike to
say ‑- from an only partly conscious “hygienic”
idea. With the help of the conscious internal ethical and outside moral def=
enses,
incest love, which was for the species unconsciously suspected as harmful, is denied by the ego and =
by the
collective.
=
The
incest taboo is thus in our opinion an example of how the ego of the indivi=
dual
and the collective ego, that is the ego existence of a collective, can deny=
a collective
drive -- the endogamy incest drive.
=
=
This
collective manner of the denial is based on the collective knowledge of the
unconscious that namely endogamy damages the “human” species. T=
he
personal and collective ego is thus with the denial an active executor of a
negation, which lives and works originally deeply built into the collective=
unconscious of mankind. The expans=
ion of
the primitive unilateral incest taboos to a bilateral incest prohibition of=
a maternal
and a paternal nature could be the result of the expansion of father right =
and
the changes exerted by it on the social order.
=
*
=
=
The
prohibition of incest has however a particular relationship not only to the
collective but also to familial
negation; in particular, because incest love -- as we have already explaine=
d in
193735 -- thrives on the familial basis of genotropism.
=
3. Familial Negation
=
=
Denial
is familial when the ego avoids,
denies, inhibits, estranges, or represses strivings of the familial unconscious.
=
=
Each
denial of the ego, which is erected against the function of the familial unconscious, that is, is directed =
against
the genotropism, bears thus the
character of familial negation.=
If the familial unconscious direct=
s the
choice of the descendent in love, friendship, occupation, illness and death=
compulsively in a completely deter=
mined
direction -- determined by an ancestor figure -- and if the personal ego re=
sists
the compulsive choice direction of his fate forcefully, then we are entitle=
d to
speak of a familial negation.
=
=
We speak
thus everywhere about familial denial where the person rebels against the c=
ompulsive
choice of an ancestor and against his or her "compulsive fate" an=
d where
the ego consciously erects for itself a free, self-chosen "choice fate."
=
=
From
this determination of the concept of familial negation is preserved in the =
familial
denial the condition, without which it can not occur; that is: Becoming conscious of the compulsive f=
ate of
the ancestors.
=
(a) Generalizations a=
bout
Compulsive Fate and Choice Fate
=
=
Fate
psychology has the interpretation that in each fate one must distinguish be=
tween
a "compulsive element" and a "free element." These two elements of fate are con=
nected
together in the following manner:
=
=
Our ancestors
supplied the components and the plan for the formation of our fate. Each ancestor with his particular =
requirement
for life and in his special way of life supplies for the descendent "a
model and a figure."36&nbs=
p;
Each ancestor in our familial unconscious
figures as a particular fate
possibility. We have and bear=
in
this internal plan of our fates -- which we precisely call the "familial unconscious" -- many different ancestors and
consequently many quite often p=
olar
opposite fate possibilities. =
Each
ancestor figure in the familial unc=
onscious
has a tendency to function as a "model" for the fate of the
descendent. Therein consists =
the
compulsive choice of ancestors in love, friendship, occupations, illness, a=
nd
death.
=
=
We
call this part of fate imposed and conditioned by the ancestors: Compulsive fate.=
=
=
The
court that chooses out of these familial laid-out manifold plans of fate
possibilities precisely for itself a personal
fate and denies all others is the e=
go.
=
=
We
call the part of fate chosen freely by the ego: Choice fate.
=
=
If the
ego affirms a particular form and a particular element of his compulsive fa=
te
and introjects this fate of a corresponding ancestor form into his ego, the=
n in
ego analysis we speak of a "fa=
milial
introjection." The r=
esult
is an imprinting and shaping of this compulsive element of the familial
fate. We call this imprinted
element of familial fate: Character=
. Thus occurs the familial character traits that determine the behavior, position
taking, and value system of the descendents.
=
The
ego, however, has the freedom to deny particular elements of compulsive fat=
e,
to inhibit them in their drive toward manifestation, to estrange itself from
these ancestor demands or -- when it cannot occur otherwise -- to repress t=
he
whole ancestor figure forced upon him.&nbs=
p;
In these cases, one is entitled to speak about a familial form of neg=
ation.
Consequently the free fate choice
occurs at one time through familial introjection, but, however, more frequently through familial negation.
=
=
The
becoming conscious of an imposed compulsive fate can occur spontaneously, and the ego comes -- after a free insight into i=
ts
necessity -- to the decision: "I will not have the same fate as my fat=
her,
or my mother, or my brother, or my sister, or my uncle, or my aunt...."=
;
=
=
This conscious rebellion of the ego aga=
inst
the familial compulsive fate and against the compulsive repetition of an
ancestor fate already resisted against in the past is in my experience more
frequent than one assumes.
=
=
Next
to the spontaneous form of fami=
lial
negation there is however also a so-called "artificial" or
"therapeutic" form of familial denial, namely that which tends
likewise to occur in depth psychological treatment, in particular in fate analytical [schicksalsanal=
ytischen]
therapy.
=
=
In
this analysis the sick person slowly becomes conscious that he so far has
copied and lived accordingly to an ancestor figure of his ancestors
unconsciously and compulsively. He
becomes gradually conscious that his life was so far only a repetition of an
ancestor’s life. He however wants to have his own life and his own fate. He becomes conscious that only the one who chooses consciously by
himself has his own personal fate.&nbs=
p;
There occurs on the couch in the analytical hour a heroic and consci=
ous
conflict with an ancestor and a struggle with the compulsive fate of the
ancestor, often lasting months long, and – unfortunately -- the strug=
gle
does not always end in victory with the wrestling descendent lying on top of
the ancestor.
=
=
There
are however those who succeed in denying ancestor demands made conscious, in
renouncing them, and in building up anew their own fate consciously and
willfully.
=
=
Certainly
this newly chosen fate most often brings less pleasure than there was with =
the
old compulsive fate. We think=
only
about the familial addicts.
However, each freely chosen fate bestows upon its bearer the exalted
feeling of the freedom of a self-guided fate and consequentl=
y the
feeling of becoming a self. The free denial of a definite comp=
ulsion
for the repetition of a non-personal life secures for the person self-respect and self-development, which up until then they have completely miss=
ed,
under which they have suffered and which opens to them the path to becoming=
a person.
=
=
In the
last and fifth book of fate analysis Schicksalstherapie [Fate Therapy]=
, we
intend in a succession of cases to follow the long way a person in a fate
analysis has to go to have success in a new manner of choices in love,
friendship and often also in occupation by his self-chosen and personal cho=
ice of
fate. Here we must be content with two references to the cases that are giv=
en
in that book.
=
In Case
11 we presented a psychiatrist, in whose family several members were parano=
id
schizophrenics. This was the situation with the brother, the mother, and her
first husband; furthermore with his first beloved, a cousin, whose brother =
and
two distant cousins and an cousin, who was the wife of a paranoid homosexual
musician.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
We
mentioned that this psychiatrist was surely a conductor of schizophrenia, s=
ince
when older he succumbed to paranoid dementia exactly as did his mother.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
In the
meantime however this man had fought a
conscious and heroic fight against his familial p=
redisposition
to paranoid delusional ideas. Through decades he succeeded in denying his p=
aranoid
ancestors and in transforming these minefield demands by his ancestors into
scientific and therapeutic interests. For a while he succeeded in this by m=
eans
of a familial conditioned “vocational introjection,” thus by work tropism [Operotropismus] to
escape from his compulsive fate. There were however hours, often days and
weeks, in which he was incapable of the vocational introjection of his
ancestors. He appeared suddenly ‑- often even without warning –=
full
of anxiety at my consulting hour and looked for me to assist him in his denial of his oppressing paranoid
ancestors. I never experienced more clearly the process and the possibility=
of
a familial negation as precisely as I did with this talented colleague. As =
his
strength left him and as he became powerless in opposing his compulsive fat=
e, I
decided to begin a proper fate analytic [schicksalsanalytische] ther=
apy.
At that time he was already in his seventies. He regained also temporarily =
his
strength for denying his familial illness. Several years afterwards he could
still work further ‑- despite his advanced age ‑- until then a
death in his closest family delivered him to the compulsive fate of paranoid psychosis, without him bei=
ng
able to resist. One had to intern him.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
This
case is a paradigm for the not infrequent fact that a carrier of a heredita=
ry
disease can extract himself from the compulsion of his ancestors by the ego and by negation of the fam=
ily
fate, because he had experienced the horrible compulsive fate of his
ancestors in the life of his own brother and in that of his own sister. In =
this
case his personal experiencing of the schizophrenia of his brother caused n=
ot
only the fear of this illness but also the conscious ego’s taking a
position of denying and a deliberate counter identification in this sense: =
He
does not want to repeat the fate of his brother.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
Case 12.
The fate of the 55 year old business man came about -‑ exactly as with
the psychiatrist -‑ by familial negation and by counter identification
with the fate of his brother. In this case however in his fate analysis the=
familial
negation was then already completely repressed. Only in the analysis was th=
e earlier
conscious process of the counter identification with the fate of the brother
again made conscious.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The
man came to me with the question: W=
hy does
he -‑ like an agitated Don Juan – have to chase after all=
women?
He is indeed ‑- he told me ‑- happily married, has children, wh=
om he
loves, and forces himself nevertheless somewhat to lead a polygamous-like l=
ife.
He feels it internally constantly very strongly that he is basically no Don
Juan.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The
man supplied seven times in 10 foreground profiles the classical ego pictur=
e of
repression: Sch =3D ‑ 0, and three times the so-called ma=
sculine
compulsive ego: Sch =3D ± 0. The fate analytic question was t=
hus:
=
&=
nbsp;
=
1.
What must this man so continuously repress? This question refers to the pure
repression profile: Sch =3D ‑=
0.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
2.
Which is the opposite pair that denies (k-)
a striving and which however affirms (k+)
and in the character ‑- as a piece of his drive fate (in form of a
compulsive act) ‑- was imprinted? This second question will be solved=
by
the ego function of the masculine-shaped compulsive ego picture: Sch =3D ± 0.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
Here it
is sufficient that we communicate only the final result of the analysis:
=
&=
nbsp;
=
1. The
man in the foreground is an “=
apparent”
and a “pseudo Don Ju=
an.”
=
&=
nbsp;
=
2. He
must prove himself day after day “blatantly” that he is a man. =
Why?
Because he is in the background a w=
oman,
whom he however constantly tries to repress and to deny.<=
/p>
=
&=
nbsp;
=
He
solves the problem of a pair of opposites “Should he be a man or a woman?” in two ways: First of all=
in
such a way that he vacates the whole pair of opposites of the sex affiliati=
on
from consciousness, that is he repr=
esses
(Sch ‑ 0). Or however he isolates the biologically interconnected
striving “maleness-femaleness” compulsively from each other in =
the
way that in the foreground he denies (k-)
only the femaleness – whi=
ch his
background actually affirms (Th.
K.P.: Sch + ±); the
maleness, however, is aff=
irmed (k+)
in an exaggerated manner. Thus in the foreground he becomes a Don Juan =
since
in the background he would like to be constantly a woman. (Th. K.P.: Sch + ± =3D acceptance (k+) of the femaleness (p±).
=
&=
nbsp;
=
As we
had confronted this intelligent business man with this nature of his drive =
and
ego fate, he remembered suddenly an unfortunate phase of his youth, in which
the following had happened: He had a brother, who was a passive homosexual and ‑- nearly shamelessly ‑- l=
ike
an older woman, lived as with a husband in a common household with mostly b=
earded
men. The life of this brother was up to his early death a drama that repeat=
ed
itself in suffering of abandonment. The testee became conscious in these yo=
uthful
years that the life of a homosexual man was a “suffering road to Damascus.” =
There he
decided now consciously, he would n=
ot suffer
under the power of this love for the same sex. Thus he began intercourse
with women -- thus relatively late at 24 years ‑‑ which he comp=
ulsively
had always to repeat with other women. Thus
he became a Don Juan -- from a defe=
nse
and fear that he must repeat the cruel fate of his homosexual brother. =
In
the meantime he succeeded to repress and thus to forget through many years =
the
actual origin of his polygamy-like promiscuity completely. Only the
confrontation in his fate analysis woke him up about his experience in yout=
h about
the fate of his brother.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
In
this case we can on the basis of ego analysis and fate analysis reconstruct
briefly the processes, which led to the familial negation, as follows.=
=
=
At the
end of puberty our testee was in the physiological phase of juvenile homose=
xuality.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
He did
not dare however to give way to these juvenile strivings since he had seen =
the
tragic fate of his older brother.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
There appeared
early a counter identification, that is, a conscious denial of the homosexu=
al
fate. Only in a dream could he be a woman who copulates in bed with a man.<=
o:p>
=
&=
nbsp;
=
This
dream returns from his youth again and again and is a proof for the correct=
ness
of the experimental ego analysis, which makes apparent in the background of=
the
affirmation of the femaleness (Th. K.P.: Sch
=3D + ±). Dream contents are determined mostly from the demands =
of the
backgrounds.37
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The testee
had then later (after 24 years of life) separated the femaleness from the
maleness and completely isolated one from the other. The fate of the female=
ness
was the denial (k-) and
the fate of the maleness however was the incorporation and stamping the
character (k+) of a Don Juan in=
to the
ego. Thus developed a male ego with the compulsive
state of a Don Juan . His compulsive behavior is precisely that he must chase after all women. Someth=
ing
that he was not able to stop. As this Don Juan compulsion then became too d=
isgusting,
he had to repress completely th=
e pair
of opposites “man – woman”; then there arose an uncomfort=
able
emptiness in his life, which fo=
rced him
to seek a fate psychologist for advice. Only in his fate analysis were his =
history
and the origin of his familial negation experienced again, and he began to
sublimate his strong polygamous instincts in favor of a monogamous attitude=
. He
said to me after the analysis: “For this reason I also up to now thro=
ugh
the attitude of my wife have not let myself
slide into unfaithfulness and a=
voided
possible opportunities and did not use the given possibilities. This howeve=
r was
not from loyalty to the wife but fr=
om
loyalty to myself, to which, I regarded as my internal task. This manne=
r of
living led me, as is understandable, to a strong internal state of tension,
which lasted as long as the sublimation of the sexual forces only partly an=
d respectably
occasionally succeeded.” This was the situation after one year of the=
fate
analysis. How severe however this renouncement of the polygamous attitude i=
s for
our testee was clearly indicated by the following symptom, for which he sou=
ght
me out at last: Since he completely extracted himself from the polygamous
attitude, he has had an outbreak on=
his
palms.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
We
must naturally interpret this outbreak, which appeared on the groping palms=
that
were precisely the tools of the tenderness relationship, as a hysteria
conversion defense from the temptation to touch a woman tenderly. He needs =
therefore
still a defense mechanism, but no more against the homosexuality but against
the polygamous attitude. The man defended for the time being thus against t=
he
homosexuality by the polygamous attitude and then against the polygamous
attitude by the outbreak on the palms. We hope that he will be able also to=
do
without this kind of defense in the course of time. Otherwise, then we must=
be reasonable
and both be content with a significant but harmless symptom, which he bears
easily, in place of the dangerous symptom of being a Don Juan. An analyst m=
ust
constantly be modest precisely because a psychoanalysis is never a
“godly” perfection but constantly only an all-too-human incompl=
eteness
and inadequacy.
*
=
=
One
can make to us the following objection:&nbs=
p; Why
do we speak here of a familial denial and not of a personal nature? Both testees have indeed experienced personally a sick
brother. The answer reveals i=
tself
from the analysis of the compulsive fate in the partner choices. With the psychiatrist, the family =
is
full of paranoids. Our Don Ju=
an
married his cousin, who is however =
bisexual. Their same sexual love objects are=
older
and eventually sick women.
=
=
Fate
psychologically this marriage with this masculine-inverted cousin is a subs=
titute
for the love of the passive homosexual sick brother. The familial nature of the inversi=
on is
however not only confirmed in that the brother and cousin of the testees are
inverted but also through the fact that the daughter, who sprung out of this
"cousin cousin marriage," is also inverted. It is correct consequently in both=
cases
to speak of a denial of the familia=
l predisposition. The demand, which both testees den=
ied,
was precisely a hereditary predisposition of the family.<=
/p>
=
=
Familial
negation has an inner relationship to the question of hereditary prognosis and consequently to the question of marriage classes.
(b) Genotropism Respectively Classified Marriage Classes and Famili=
al Negation
=
In the
preceding two cases it is striking that both men fell in love with a
cousin. The psychiatrist, who=
se
mother and brother were paranoid schizophrenics, fell in love with a cousin=
of
second degree on the mother's side, whom he could not however marry because=
in the
meantime she became a paranoid schizophrenic and committed suicide. The Don Juan had more luck: He mar=
ried a
cousin on the mother's side, who however was actually as inverted as his own
brother. In both cases we must
assume that the testee was himself a bearer, thus conductor, of the same
hereditary predisposition his chosen cousin had. Fate analysis states: The partners=
in
the marriage choice were gene related.&nbs=
p;
The love originated through the process of genotropism.
=
=
The
original love however applies in both cases, as this was confirmed clearly =
from
the analysis of first the mother, next the brother and only then the
cousin. The mother incest lov=
e and
brother incest love became transferred thus to a gene related woman and to =
the
cousin.
=
=
In the
first book of fate analysis [Schicksalsanalyse], =
we have treated in det=
ail
the relationship between incest=
and genotropism (in Chapter VI).3=
8 We show that in families in which =
there
is a recessive hereditary illness, not only the frequency of marriages betw=
een
blood relations, in first place being the "cousin-cousin marriage," but also that of rape cases that =
are
committed on blood relations as also being that of an incestuous love binding.
We have verified these statements with a succession of corresponding
examples. Particularly intere=
sting
is Case No. 22 in which a fraternal twin pair produced children and lived
together.39 Then C=
ase No.
23, in which a young man fell in love with a girl who was his own
not-recognized half sister.40
In this case the experience of living together with the beloved part=
ner
in childhood is absent completely.
=
=
Incest
love can occur thus without any dependence on any early experience but pure=
ly
on the basis of gene relationship and of genotropism.
=
=
We
developed in the first book Schicksalsanalyse the following heredit=
ary
rule: The daughter takes mostly after the grandmother on the father’s=
side
or a sister of the father. The son on the other hand quite often takes after
the grandfather on the mother's side or
a brother of the mother. The father is thus the primary bearer, the conduct=
or,
of the dynamic gene stock of his mother's line and indeed the transmission
succeeds most strongly with the daughter. The mother transmits her father's
line most strongly to the son. She
is the conductor of the dynamic fat=
her’s
hereditary treasures. Consequently the hidden dynamic genetic strivings=
of
the father goes most frequently to the daughter; that of the mother over to=
the
son. The following diagram wi=
ll
represent this "transmission" schematically.
=
=
![](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image004.jpg")
=
[Mann =3D man; Frau =
=3D woman;
Tochter =3D daughter; Schwiegersohn =3D son-in-law; Schwiegertochter =3D da=
ughter-in-law;
Sohn =3D son]
Fig. 7. Diagram of the Gene Relationship =
Between
Father and Daughter and Between Mother and Son
=
Explanation
of the diagram:
=
I. The
man (No. 1) bears his mother (2) in his gene stock of the familial unconsciou=
s.
On the basis of this ancestry form of the mother, to whom he was bound
incestuously, he seeks himself his woman (3) who is gene related to his mot=
her (2).
=
=
II. The
woman (3) is the transmitter, the conductor, of her father’s
hereditary stock (4). On the =
basis
of the father’s form in her familial unconscious she chooses t=
he man
(1), who is gene related to her father (4) and thus is gene related with her
(3).
=
=
III. The
daughter (5) bares her own father in herself, who has begat actually in=
the
daughter his own mother (2), whom he bears within himself. Daughter and father are consequent=
ly -- through the mother of the father --
genotropically related. There=
fore
the incest love between father =
and
daughter.
=
=
IV. The
son (6) bears his own mother (3) in himself, who in the son has brought
into the world her own father (4), whom she bears in herself. Son and mother are therefore -- through the father of the mother -=
- gene
related. Therefore the incest love between mother and son.
=
=
V. The daughter later abandons the
incestuous father binding and chooses herself a "strange" man, 7 =
(1),
who however is chosen on the basis of the father image (1) – thus aga=
in
on the basis of gene relationship.
This strange man (7) must bear in himself his mother, who is again g=
ene
related with the mother of the father-in-law (2 in 1) and with the choosing
woman (5).
=
=
VI. The son (6) marries after the sepa=
ration
from the mother (3), to whom he was bound incestuously, a "strange&quo=
t;
woman, No. 8 (3), whom he has, however, chosen on the basis of his mother's
image, and indeed as a substitute for the not permitted incest love for the
mother. His chosen woman (8) =
is
gene related with the man (3 in 6) , whom she has chosen on the basis of her
father, whom she bears in herself. This father however must be gene related
with her man (6) and with her grandfather on the mother’s side (4), w=
ho
is gene related to her man. W=
ith
the children out of this marriage (5-7 and 6-8), the same process is repeat=
ed
as in the marriage (1-3).
=
This
is the rule in partner choice.
=
=
Where
it acts in reverse and the strongest binding and mutual support occur in the
marriage choice on the basis of the relationship between father and son and
respectively mother and daughter, then a narrow gene relationship manifests
itself between the parents and the children in a quite specific hereditary =
characteristics,
thus, most frequently, on paranoid and homosexual traits. On the basis of this very extensive
investigation we come to the following conclusions:
=
=
I. Each love bears in the Freudian se=
nse
the character of "incest love."
=
=
II. Incest
love is constantly a genotropic original intra-familial attraction. It is only a particular case of
genotropism taking place between father and daughter and mother and son. Bio-psychologically each love howe=
ver is
a "love for the same gene and thus gene love," a projective
participation, a being one, the same, and related through the same gene and=
through
the "gene relationship."
=
=
III. We distinguish a narrow and endogamy familial form and a wider and extra-familial exogamy
form of genotropism. The endo=
gamy
and intra-familial genotropism
corresponds to incest love and is strictly forbidden by the incest barrier
(love between mother and son, between father and daughter, and between brot=
her
and sister). The extra-familial form of genotropism=
on
the other hand corresponds to the most frequent form of the so-called exoga=
my marriage
classes. It plays in our cult=
ure the
same role as the tolerated "cl=
assified"
relationship marriages with primitives.
=
=
IV. Marriage
classes in our culture rest consequently on the rules of exogamy extra-fami=
lial
genotropism. Marriage classes=
are
seen from the biological point of view: Classes of distant gene
relationships. The exogamy
marriage classes of the gene related replace in our culture the endogamy in=
cest
of old cultures (with the Egyptians, Persians, Peruvians). Incest marriages are indeed also
marriages between gene related and only in the realm of one's own family.
=
=
V. We divide the exogamy and genotrop=
ic
marriage classes into three groups.
This group division rests on the strength of the sameness and respectively the kinship
of that gene, which is responsible for the libido-tropic attraction.
=
=
A. The
homogeneous marriage classes are
those in which the partner conductors are of the same gene and
respectively the same gene group. On the basis of the drive system we
distinguish eight different factorial homogeneous marriage cla=
sses:
=
=
1. h marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to
hermaphroditism and respectively to homosexual inversion.=
=
=
2. s marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the sadomasochistic perversion p=
redisposition.
=
=
3. e marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the epileptic form predisposition
(epilepsy, migraine, stuttering, asthma, glaucoma41, allergies,
vessel-cramp [vaso-neurosis]; further epileptic form psychisms such as pyro=
mania,
kleptomania, dipsomania, running mania [Poriomania], killing mania [=
Thanatomanie],
enuresis, left-handedness).
=
=
4. hy
marriage class: Both partners are hysteria conductors.
=
=
5. k marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the catatonic forms of predispos=
ition.
=
=
6. p marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the paranoia predisposition.
=
=
7. d marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to depression=
and
melancholia.
=
=
8. m marriage
class: Both partners are conductors of the predisposition to mania and =
to lack
of inhibitions.
=
=
B. Intra-vector genotropic marriage c=
lass.
=
=
1. h-s marriage
class: One partner is h con=
ductor;
the other partner is s conducto=
r.
=
=
2. e-hy marriage
class: The one is e conduct=
or; the
other hy conductor.<=
/span>
=
=
3. k-p marriage
class: One is a k conductor=
; the
other p conductor.
=
=
4. d-m marriage
class: One is a d conductor=
and
the other m conductor.
=
=
C. Extra-factorial genotropism marriage c=
lass:
=
=
We can
state that between the following extra-vector conductors a genotropic attra=
ction
is quite often present:
=
=
1. h-m marriage class: the one partne=
r is
an h conductor; the other an m conductor.
=
=
2. s-d marriage class: The one is s conductor and the other d conductor.
=
=
3. e-p marriage class: The one is e conductor and the other p conductor. This
form of concluding a marriage is relatively more frequent than the three ot=
hers
in group C.
=
=
4. hy-k marriage group: One partner i=
s hy conductor; the other k conductor.
=
=
We
have observed the strongest degree of libido-tropism with the homogeneous and the weakest with t=
he
extra-vector marriage classes. The homogeneous marriage class stands =
the
closest to incest love. T=
he
intra-vector marriage class often gives the impression of a complete marriage.
=
=
It
will be the task of future investigators to determine:
=
=
(a)
Which form of marriage class is relatively the most harmonious and happy?
=
=
(b)
With which marriage classes are separation and divorce the most frequent?
=
=
(c)
Which marriage is the most fruitful?
=
=
(d) Which
is psychologically the healthiest and
hereditary prognostically the m=
ost
favorable?
=
=
After
all these questions have once been exactly cleared up, we can then pronounc=
e a
judgment on the question: When is a=
familial
denial regarding marriage and love relationship justified and when not?=
=
*
=
=
In the
definition of familial negation, we have emphasized that here the person
himself consciously rebels agai=
nst
the working of genotropism and =
in
particular against libido-tropism. He denies, for example, a love
relationship because he as a conductor of a definite familial predispositio=
n and
will not get involved with a partner in love and marriage, since the person=
descends
from a family that possesses the same hereditary illness as in his own fami=
ly. The resistance against the genotrop=
ism in
marriage stems most frequently from the side of the family than from that of persons who feel themselves drawn to =
one
another genotropically. In th=
is
case one can say: The ego of the family, thus the "familial ego,"=
denies
a marriage that on the basis of familial strivings -- in the sense of
genotropism -- wants to come about.
=
=
The familial
negation of marriage, the marriage taboo, is expressed mostly on the basis =
of the
hereditary prognosis of the
descendents. In our current s=
ociety,
there is thus next to a social and a financial status rule also a hereditary progn=
ostic guiding
rule for marriage that is thus developed precisely on a definite exogam=
y as
in the case with primitives. =
The decisive
difference between the two exogamy rules is seen in that the buildup of the
relationship spheres is different with primitives than with us. Consequently, the marriage rules a=
re
also different. This circumst=
ance can
not hold us back from raising the question whether the same authority of
hereditary hygiene is still decisive with both the primitives and cultured
people in the forbidding of definite marriages.
=
=
We may
answer only correctly this question when we investigate the exogamy rules of
primitives not with our eyes but on the basis of the principles of their &q=
uot;own
genetics." We must exami=
ne their
marriage rules and "incest taboos" on the basis of the primitive&=
#8217;s
view of propagation theory. T=
he
marriage classes of primitives are best known in the case of the Melanesian=
tribes.
We follow here literally the statements of Malinowski on the Trobrianders, =
since
these statements were confirmed also with other primitive peoples.
=
=
“The
totem organization of the natives is simple and symmetrical in its main
lines. Mankind is divided in four clans (kumila).
According to the opinion of the natives the special kind of totem for each
particular clan is just as unalterably innate as sex, skin color and build.=
The
totem cannot be changed; it goes beyond the individual life, because it is
passed to the other world and is brought back unchanged again to this world=
when
the spirit returns by reincarnation. This fourfold totem organization appli=
es,
according to the opinion of the Trobriander, to the whole world and covers =
all
groups of mankind. If a European comes on the Trobriand island, then the
natives ask him quite simply and trustingly to which of the four classes do=
es
he belong, and it is not very easily explained to the most intelligent one
among them that this fourfold totem division organization does not apply to=
the
whole world and is not rooted in human nature. The natives of the neighbori=
ng
areas, where there are more than four clans, are inserted constantly into t=
he fourfold
pattern without difficulties, by dividing everyone of the four Trobriander
clans into several foreign clans. For this classification of smaller groups
under larger ones is a model in the Trobriander culture, because each of th=
e larger
totem clans covers smaller groups, so-called dala or sub-clans, as we wish to call it.”
=
=
“The
sub-clans are at least as important as the clans, because the members of the
same sub-clans are actually blood related, from the same rank and form the
local unit of the Trobriander society. Each local village community consists
only of people who belong to only one sub-clan; they have common claims to =
the land
of the village, to the surrounding garden lands, and to a number of local
privileges. Large villages consist of several local units, but each unit ha=
s its
connected land in the village and adjacent a large piece of garden land. Th=
ere
are even different terms in order to designate affiliation to a sub-clan and
affiliation to the clan. People of the same sub-clan are actual relatives a=
nd
call each other veyogu, my blood
relation. For a member of the same clans, who belongs however to another
sub-clan, this term is used only superficially and figuratively; on closer
questioning one receives the answer that such a man is only pseudo-related:=
It
becomes with more reflection the derogatory term kakaveyogu (my false relative).” 42=
=
For high rank, in particular however for =
the
blood relationship, sub-clan is more importantly than the clan.<=
span
style=3D'font-size:14.0pt;mso-bidi-font-size:10.0pt'> The clan is actually a
social category and plays nevertheless a role in the question of incest tab=
oos.
On the basis of the statements of the natives Malinowski gives the followin=
g insights
on blood shame and exogamy:
=
=
“Exogamy
is for the natives an absolute taboo, both which concern marriage and sexual
intercourse; a breaking of the rules meets with the strongest moral disappr=
oval,
which kindles the anger of the community against the wrong doers and which =
with
the discovery of their offenses drives them to suicide. There is also a
supernatural means of punishment, a terrible illness that can lead to death.
Consequently exogamy is strictly observed; trespass never happens.”43
=
=
These
statements describe however ‑- as Malinowski stresses ‑- only t=
he
“moral ideal”; real behavior deviates far from it. The breach of exogamy within the clan =
with the
“false relatives,” the so-called “kakaveyola,” occu=
rs
everywhere.
=
=
The
actual rule reads: “Marriage =
within
the clans -‑ differing from love relation ‑- is considered =
as a
serious offense against the rule.”44 “More strictly =
are
observed the rules of exogamy, if the two partners belong not only to the s=
ame
clan but also to the same sub-clan =
(dala).”45
Because these are genuine relat=
ives (veyola mokita). Marriage among members of the same sub-clan is completely imposs=
ible,
and also the sexual relationship is much more strictly defended against by =
blood
shame. “Still more strictly the rules apply to genealogical prova=
ble
relationship. Blood shame with the
daughter of the sister of the mother is a disgusting crime that can lead
even to the suicide.”46 The Trobriander calls this manner =
of
blood shame “suvasova.”=
It is the highest taboo. (See on this the taboo listed in the section:
“Collective Negation.”)
=
=
Now
one must distinguish two kinds =
of relationship with the primitives. First the “individual”=
blood
relationship, which is itself only on the female line within the family
community and which refers to the closest individual family. Thus: Blood re=
lationship
between mother and child and between brother and sister. The relationship w=
ith
the grandmother goes already beyond this close family relationship. The second is the so-called “classified” relationship. Wi=
th
this family relation the relationship is not considered between two individ=
uals
but between an individual and a gro=
up
(clan and sub-clan). Certain terms for the relationship ‑- like mothe=
r,
sister, brother, father, which actually refer with us only to the close
individual family members – is used in “classifying”
relationship system of primitives (L. H. Morgan) outside of the family circle. Some examples according to Malino=
wski
illuminate the manner of classified relation: The word
=
&=
nbsp;
=
1. Tabu(gu)47 designates
grandparents; the grandchild (grandchildren); the sister of the father, the
daughter of the sister of the father.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
2. Ina(gu): as individual blood
relationship means: Mother, sister of the mother; as classified relationshi=
p: Women from the clan of the mother.
=
=
3. Tama(gu): As individual relation=
ship
the word refers to father, brother of the father; son of the sister of the
father; in the classified sense: Men from the clan of the father.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
4. Kada(gu): Brother of the mother a=
nd
reciprocally; son of the sister and daughter of the sister.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
5. Lu(gu) ta: In the individual sens=
e of
relationship: Sister (if a man speaks it); in the sense of the classified
relationship: Woman from the same clan and the same generation (if a man sp=
eaks
it); Man from the same clan and the same generation (if a woman speaks it),
etc.48
=
&=
nbsp;
=
That thus
means: The child calls not only its own mother inagu (my mother), but also the sister of the mother (thus the =
aunt
on the maternal side), even all women from the clan of the mother, only the
word received – suiting the distance -- a different feeling stress. A=
nd a
girl does not only call her father =
tama(gu)
(mine =3D gu, father =3D tama) but also the brother of the father and even =
all men
from the clan of the father. One can speak thus of relatives of first and second order, and with =
the
distance both the intimacy and the severity of the taboo decreases very
rapidly.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
With
the Trobrianders and in general with the primitives there is a dichotomy, a
division into two parts of the women to a group “lawfully forbidden” and to another of “permitted” women. The=
word luguta designates the branch of the R=
20;lawfully forbidden”; the oth=
er
word tabugu, the branch =
of the
“lawfully permitted”
women.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The
“sister taboo,” the luguta prohibition, is the highest taboo,
“suvasova,” in the context of individual relationship. Thus sex=
ual
intercourse with the sister, with the sister of the mother, and daughter of=
the
sister of the mother is: Luguta taboo. The taboo “luguta” becom=
es
however always more moderate in degree as the sister group (luguta) is expa=
nded
to relationship of a second ord=
er. One’s own sister is the prototyp=
e of
the incest taboo. Malinowski reports: “Blood shame with a cousin =
on
the mother’s side of first
degree is probably considered as wrong but not as terrible, yet it is daring
and dangerous, but not worthy of abhorrence,”49 With relat=
ives
of “second order,” the severity of the prohibition continues to
decrease. If a boy and a girl have a common great-grandmother in the matern=
al
line for example, then the taboo is much weaker, although they are “l=
uguta,”
thus in the same sister stock. It is similar with the “mother
taboo” and with the Ina‑=
;gu
incest prohibition.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The
group of the “lawfully permit=
ted
women” is called: Tabugu<=
/i>.
In the closer family circle the word (beside grandparents and grandchildren
respectively granddaughter) means the sister of the father and then the daughter of the sister of the father. Tabugu is a counterpart to “luguta” =
‑-
as we already discussed. Malinowski writes: “The sister of the father=
is
the prototype of the lawfully permitted, even sexually recommended woman --=
that
which it is called in the theory of the natives because in reality she takes
the place of his daughter.”50
=
&=
nbsp;
For our genetics the incomprehensible
consists thus in the fact that the young man can marry the cousin on the
paternal side – they are with sexual intercourse and the marriage the
most suitable partners -- however sexual intercourse with the cousin on the=
maternal
side is blood shame (see Fig. 8).
=
![](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image006.jpg")
=
![3D"Text](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image007.gif")
![3D"Text](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image008.gif")
![](3D"VI.Szondi_Ego_negation_files/image010.jpg")
Fig. 8. =
Schema
of the Permitted and Forbidden Marriages
(Respect=
ively
Sexual Intercourse) with the Primitives
in Northwest Melan=
esia
(according to B. Malinowski)
=
&=
nbsp;
In order to understand the nature of this
marriage organization, we must use the “genetics” of the=
primitives and not ours. The genetics of the primitives is base=
d upon
the unawareness of the physiological
paternity. We stressed already that according
to their interpretation the fat=
her in
no way contributes to the birth of the child. They believe in a mystic
generation. They believe in reincarnation. If a man dies, then his spirit t=
ravels
according to Tuma, the island of the dead, where he continues to live happi=
ly.
If then a spirit of continuing luck is tired of rejuvenation, then he becom=
es a
small and still unborn child, a “spirit baby.” As such he goes =
back
to the island of Trobriand and crawls into the lap =
of any
woman of the same clan and sub-clans. Thus the Trobriander woman becomes pr=
egnant
with a spirit baby. Her man does no=
t have
anything at all to do with the reproduction. With this interpretation,
naturally the mother right receives a good theoretical basis. Also differen=
t Australia<=
/st1:place>
researchers, like Spencer and Gillen, report that in the opinion of the Ara=
nda,
the act of reproduction only causes the preparation and the opening of the
female uterus for the admission of the life embryo (ratapa). This interpretation is all the more amazingly, as thes=
e tribes
probably know the connection between mating and descendants with animals.51
=
We will
now examine on the basis of this “fatherless” and one-sided
genealogy of “hereditary conditions” by the primitives
regarding their incest taboos and marriage rules.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
Fig. 8
presents a family tree, in which we indicate the permitted and forbidden
marriages (respectively sexual intercourse) of the primitives. Since the father according to their
genealogy does not play a role in reproduction and thus not in the heredity=
, we
must indicate the genotype solely on the basis of the mother and with the
letters of their clans.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
We
proceed from the brothers and the sisters stock, which consists of a man (N=
o.
1) and of two women (2 ‑ 3). The mother (No. I) of this brother and s=
isters
stock belongs to the Malasi cla=
n (M).
Thus their three children are also members of the Malasi clans (M). We know
that, according to the opinion of the natives, the clan membership: 1. is n=
ative;
2. is unalterable; 3. is passed on the maternal
side to the children; 4. and is passed even onto the other world and fr=
om
the reincarnated spirit that is brought back again into this world.
=
The totem clan line inherits itself throu=
gh
the mother (female), that is, sex connect=
ed.
Its nature works like the “gene” of modern genetics. In this se=
nse
we indicated this marks the clan membership of the individual person as a
“genotype.” Now we examine genealogy of the forbidden and permi=
tted
marriages according to the primitives’ rules and in the light of the
primitives’ one-sided and purely matriarchal genealogy. (Table 3).
=
&=
nbsp;
=
The insights
from this explanation are the following:
=
&=
nbsp;
=
1. From
the viewpoint of the primitives’ genealogy, according to which the fa=
ther
does not play a role in the generation and gene relationship is only possib=
le
on the mother’s side, the marriage rules have the same meaning as in =
our
culture.
=
=
2. All
marriage rules aim at excluding closer gene relative lines from ending in m=
arriage.
Incest also is only with the primitives, where, according to their genealog=
y, is
present a clan-gene relationship.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
3. The
son of the brother may marry therefore the daughter of the sister, because =
this
son belongs to the clan of his mother and not to that of his father. Althou=
gh
the father (1 M) of the young man (8 L) belongs to the same clan M as the
mother belongs to (2 M) of the cousin (9 M), they are not according to the primitives’ genealogy blood relative=
s,
we say not gene relatives, since there the cousin (8 L) inherits the clan l=
ine
(L) of his mother (4 L) and not from his father (1 M). The marriage is the =
desired cross cousins marriage.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
4. There
are certain unwanted marriages and sexual intercourse, even if ‑-
according to the genealogy of the primitives ‑- no blood shame is
present, but the partners by the ex=
pansion
of the concepts of relationships of the sister (luguta) and the father
(tama) nevertheless feel as if related. Thus the connection between father =
and
daughter or between cousins on the maternal side.
=
|
Table 3. The Permitt=
ed and
Forbidden Marriages with the Trobrianders According to Malinowski
|
|
Partnership
Between
|
Degree of Relationsh=
ip
|
Evaluation of the Co=
nnection
|
|
I
-1
1-2
1-3
II-2
|
Mother-son
(M-M)
Brother-sister
(M-M)
Brother-sister
(M-M)
Father-daughter
(L-M)
These,
according to the genealogy of
primitives, are not
related,
since the daughter belongs to the clan of
the
mother (M). The father belongs to a foreign clan, the Lukuba (L).
|
Suvasova:
highest taboo incest; Inagu
Suvasova,
Luguta
Suvasova,
Luguta
No incest. Marriage however is=
not permitted,
also sexual intercourse
is
“very bad, because he has already married her m=
other;
already he has received the first marriage gift.” (Malinowski, p. 3=
80).
This nevertheless occurs however.=
|
|
1-4
2-5
3-6
|
Man
from clan M and
Woman
from clan L (M-L)
(M-LK)
(M-Lb)
|
Permitted
marriage; the partners are not
related.
Permitted
marriage; the partners are not
related.
Permitted
marriage; the partners are not
related.
|
|
8-9
|
The
son marries the cousin
on
the father’s side, thus=
the
daughter of the sister of the father (L-M)
|
Very
desired “tabugu” =
marriage.
The
man
belongs to the L-clan, thus to
the
mother; the cousin belongs to the clan
M,
thus to the mother. (A binding with the uncle on the maternal side [1 M] would be however incest, since he als=
o belongs
to the same clan.)
|
|
7-10
|
The
son (10 M) will marry the daughter of the uncle on the maternal side (7 L)
(M-L)
|
No
incest formed. The marriage and the
sexual
intercourse with the cousin, the
son
of the sister of the father, is n=
ot
forbidden directly and does not become
however gladly viewed, because the woman (7 L) stands also with the man (=
10
M) in a tama, father relation=
ship.
|
|
10-11
|
Relationship
between cousin
(10
M) and cousin on the maternal sid=
e
and indeed
between
son and daughter of the two sisters.
|
Incest because the sister of the mother is
also
mother (inagu) of their daugh=
ter
(11
M) and “sister” of the young man
(luguta);
they have the same grandmother of the mother’s line. It is thus a
Luguta
taboo.
|
=
=
5. The
“clan relationship” ‑- exactly as with us is the “g=
ene
relationship” -- with the primitives is weakened as an “incest
barrier” to the degree as the distance from the narrow individual fam=
ily
circle to the further classified relationship circle is extended. The
“incest prohibition” with the primitives is exactly thus relative to the gene incest love i=
n our
culture.
=
&=
nbsp;
=
6. We
assume that with the primitives the same ‑- conscious or unconscious =
‑-
hereditary hygiene for the marriage rules was just as decisive as with us. =
The
difference in the marriage rules is conditioned only by the difference betw=
een the
matriarchal and one-sided genealogy of the primitives and our bilateral (ma=
triarchal
and patriarchal) genealogy. The leading motive is the same with both cultur=
es:
the protection against the marriages of those closely gene related ‑-
probably for hygienic hereditary reasons.
=
=
*
The denial of genotropism between humans who be=
long
to the same narrow family and, on the other hand, the furtherance of genotr=
opic
marriage through the biological
attraction of the partners is the most human and continually present ambivalence of human kind. This original ambivalence in love =
one
can rule only with compulsion --
exactly as in the case with the compulsive neurotic. Compulsion means however the synonymous affirmation and denial of a=
familial
inherited striving pair. =
This
circumstance grants an extraordinary power to familial negation in the ego =
life
of the individual and in society.
=
=
=
------=_NextPart_01C8C48D.42E20280
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